Difference between public space and public places

In fact, by not being provided suitable access, disabled people are implicitly excluded from some spaces. As a site for democracy[ edit ] Human geographers have argued that in spite of the exclusions that are part of public space, it can nonetheless be conceived of as a site where democracy becomes possible. Geographer Don Mitchell has written extensively on the topic of public space and its relation to democracy, employing Henri Lefebvre 's notion of the right to the city in articulating his argument.

Other geographers like Gill Valentine have focused on performativity and visibility in public spaces, which brings a theatrical component or 'space of appearance' that is central to the functioning of a democratic space. Conversion of publicly owned public spaces to privately owned public spaces is referred to as the privatization of public space, and is a common result of urban redevelopment.

Private-public partnerships have taken significant control of public parks and playgrounds through conservancy groups set up to manage what is considered unmanageable by public agencies. Corporate sponsorship of public leisure areas is ubiquitous, giving open space to the public in exchange for higher air rights. This facilitates the construction of taller buildings with private parks. In one of the newer U.

A shop is an example of what is intermediate between the two meanings: everybody can enter and look around without obligation to buy, but activities unrelated to the purpose of the shop are not unlimitedly permitted. The halls and streets including skyways in a shopping center may be declared a public place and may be open when the shops are closed. Similarly for halls, railway platforms and waiting rooms of public transport ; sometimes a travelling ticket is required.

A public library is a public place. A rest stop or truck stop is a public space. For these "semi-public" spaces stricter rules may apply than outside, e. Public space in design theory[ edit ] Public space, as a term and as a concept in design, is volatile.

There is much conversation around what constitutes public space, what role it plays, and how design should approach and deal with it. Historical shift[ edit ] Historically, public space in the west has been limited to town centres, plazas, church squares, i. These spaces acted as the ' commons ' of the people; a political, social and cultural arena. Of the thirteen colonies that became the United States, three were comprehensively planned with integrated physical, social, and economic elements.

These planned colonies of Carolina, Pennsylvania, and Georgia each placed emphasis on public space, in particular the public square. The plan for Georgia, known as the Oglethorpe Plan created a unique design in which a public square was created for every ward of forty residential lots and four civic or commercial lots. The design has been preserved in the Savannah historic district.

The New Deal was a brief period in the US under Franklin Delano Roosevelt's government that produced a huge number of public works in an economic effort to boost employment during the depression. The result, however, was more than this. They constituted a legacy of what has been called the cultural infrastructure underlying American public space.

These questions revealed significant social divides underlying and shaping interactions between residents and visitors within the public space, and the need to both enhance connectivity between neighborhoods and downtown public spaces and invest in neighborhood public spaces as well. They felt that a significant amount of public money was going to building a new neighborhood at Canalside rather than investing in existing neighborhoods. In particular, they pointed to the Convention Center-managed programming and raised questions about whether the investments in the public space were for the benefit of Albuquerque residents or to make the city a more attractive destination for conference attendees.

However, with the Convention Center managing the events schedule and setting priorities for the Civic Plaza, concerns about corporate control arose. The story of downtown development versus neighborhood development is a long one, and not unique to these case study communities. In cities nationwide, the inability to connect downtown prosperity to nearby neighborhoods has stalled progress and exacerbated socioeconomic divides.

However, there was work to be done in enhancing connectivity and spreading benefits to nearby neighborhoods. At the end of the day, the inclusion challenges in Buffalo and Albuquerque were not necessarily as simple as pushback against downtown development.

Rather, they centered on the critique that downtown investment should impart greater benefits to more residents in more neighborhoods, and that city investment in community infrastructure should also extend to neighborhoods. Strategies for ensuring downtown revitalization efforts are more equitable exist, and include policies such as connecting increased development entitlements in downtown areas to neighborhood commercial corridor revitalization or open space preservation , as well as efforts to physically connect disadvantaged neighborhoods adjacent to the downtown area to newly revitalized public spaces.

Concrete connectivity concerns related to pedestrian, biking, and public transportation access heightened these barriers. However, when we asked Buffalo stakeholders if transportation access could be a reason some East Side residents might not visit Canalside, they cast doubt on that idea, saying that the barriers were more fundamentally about the space itself.

Focus group participants in Buffalo pointed to access and inclusivity challenges, such as the fact that Canalside was beginning to charge for events, that the programming seemed to cater to suburban families, that most of the nearby dining and entertainment options were expensive, that the new development did not reflect the culture of Buffalo, and finally, that there were access barriers in the area for residents with disabilities. East Side residents also attributed this avoidance to long-standing divides that exist between suburbs and city residents dating back to disinvestment and white flight last century.

However, much more work remained to be done in connecting underserved residents to the spaces. In Buffalo, these efforts are underway with the renovation of the nearby LaSalle Park which abuts the waterfront , in which the Ralph C. Wilson, Jr. Foundation, the state, and the city are investing in a new pedestrian bridge to connect Lower West Side residents who have long been cut off from the waterfront to a safe, accessible entrance.

There are many national examples as well, including Washington, D. We wanted to shift that. The market also partnered with Flint Fresh, which could expand its footprint into other neighborhoods through Flint Fresh Mobile Market , a vegetable box delivery service that brings affordable fresh foods to neighborhoods across Flint. Second, market stakeholders forged partnerships with community organizations in underserved neighborhoods to increase awareness and visitation to the market.

They formed partnerships with MTA to have special routes within the community to bring families to the market for fresh food and provide free satellite parking for the market at no charge. In doing so, the market did not lose suburban customers or become any less of a regional destination, but rather became a destination where all Flint residents—regardless of income, race, or ZIP code—felt comfortable to be.

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They are much more than just 'space' that can be used by citizens. They bring economic value, promote social cohesion and often offer environmental as well as cultural benefits. During apartheid the equal right of all citizens to access quality public spaces was denied to the majority of non-white South Africans.

Spatial segregation enforced a limited, discriminatory access to the city centres and certain areas for the majority of citizens. In the planning and building of townships, quality public spaces were assigned a minimal role and were all but neglected.

For many black South Africans during apartheid open spaces in townships, informal settlements and inner cities were often frightening places - dirty, garbage-strewn and unsafe. Sadly, this is often still the case in many settlements. Loss of physical space in post-apartheid South Africa Today, the legacy of apartheid's spatial policies is still widely reflected in South Africa's cities.

The so-called 'public space deficit' particularly affects peripheral lower income neighbourhoods and especially informal settlements. In many cases, these are still segregated along racial lines, but also along class lines. South Africa, with its history of segregation, needs physical spaces for citizens and communities of different backgrounds to interact. But there has generally been a lack of provision for such spaces where individuals of different classes, races, cultures and traditions can mingle.

Over the last twenty years of democracy, many parks and other public spaces have fallen into disarray or are simply not accounted for. This is often both a result of and reason for a general perception that open public spaces are unsafe. Instead malls have increasingly become the physical spaces where people gather without interacting with each other. Interventions such as these show how interventions can help improve the perception of safety as well as unlock the social potential of public spaces.

There is a direct relation between safety and public space. Upgrading and increasing the quantity and quality of existing public open spaces can help improve urban safety. Quality open spaces have been proven to help reduce insecurity and interventions aimed at improving public spaces call for a new approach through community participation. There is a need for greater individual, community and civil society involvement in reclaiming public spaces that have fallen in disrepair, and converting disused areas into active spaces, such as local public parks.

Shared public spaces encourage citizens to participate and become drivers in ensuring the attainment of safety. Through public spaces, cities can promote more inclusive, convivial and safer places for their citizens, which as a consequence will reinforce social inclusion, community organisation and participation to prevent insecurity and violence. Mouffe challenges the ideal espoused by Habermas that the deliberative ideal should be consensus reached by rational individuals.

She argues that for freedom to exist the intrusion of conflict must be allowed for. The democratic process, Mouffe says, should provide an arena for the emergence of conflict and difference. Young states that urbanity must be understood as an inherent aspect of life in advanced industrial societies, and that the material of our environment and structures available to us presuppose the forms of interactions that occur in these spaces.

Young states that public spaces are crucial for open communicative democracy. He proposes an ideal space of relation that is between the intimacy of friends and family, on the one hand, and the mutual suspicion of strangers on the other. Fleming argues that the built environment and public space of the city is perfectly situated between users, relating and separating them at the same.

The advent of the World Wide Web in the s spawned enthusiasm from some regarding the deliberative and participatory potential of the medium. It was universal, non-hierarchical, based on uncoerced communication, and enabled public opinion formation based on voluntary deliberation. By these principles, and many others, the Internet looked like the realization of the ideal speech situation. Still other scholars have voiced opposing accounts of the relationship between virtual spaces and the ideals of the public sphere.

Don Mitchell has argued that the Internet can never meet or surpass the street as a public space, saying the infrastructure of the medium precludes certain uses and political opportunities. Public space remains crucial because it makes it possible for disadvantaged groups to occupy the space in a way that is precluded in virtual space. This space is especially important for homeless people because it is also a space to be and live in; a space for living rather than just visibilization.

To the extent that public space is shrinking, or that individuals are withdrawing from public space, there is a democratic crisis. These spaces allow varieties of public interaction that are fundamental to her notion of city life as a normative ideal. In the public sphere ideal, communicative exchange is supposed to provide the basis for real political action. Under conditions of communicative capitalism, these exchanges function merely as message circulation rather than acclamations to be responded to.

Political theorist Robert Putnam posited a decline of social capital in U. Rather, he points to examples where movements of co-present interaction were facilitated through, managed by, or arranged around mediated forms of interaction. Conclusion There are several areas where continued research into the relationship between public space and the public sphere could be productive. First, it is important to consider how networked technology and mediated communication have changed the use of public space.

Have the dispersed networks of power, access, and participation diminished the potency of public space for realizing political agency? Has the logic of the market short circuited the function of the polis? Have new uses of public space emerged, and have traditional uses disappeared? It is now common for bodies to occupy physical space while their gaze and consciousness are directed not at their environment but at their various devices.

How does this change our understanding of and approach to public and shared spaces? In light of pervasive mediation in daily life it is important to affirm the fundamental importance of physical locations as public space. Secondly, it is important not just to consider physical and virtual space in a dichotomous relationship, but also how they interrelate.

How are digital technologies and mediated communication intersecting with the use of public space, and vice versa? To be clear, the phenomena at the core of this question are not new. Finally, the implementation of information technology into the built environment is raising questions about the role of technologies in public space and civic life.

In a November article, urban media scholar Shannon Mattern considered this issue in relation to the implementation and subsequent shuttering of the LinkNYC terminals in New York City. The LinkNYC initiative involved replacing telephone booths throughout the sidewalks of Manhattan with kiosks that provided access to electricity and wireless internet service. The city government promoted the terminals as places where tourists could access maps and online information and New Yorkers could charge their cell phones.

Mattern encourages city planning boards and project committees to include librarians and archivists in their ranks in the interest of such spaces of information exchange. At stake, Mattern argues, is the nature and well-being of our democracy. These are just a few of the issues and questions that I think should inform future research into the relationship between public space and the public sphere.

Related questions explored in my research include: changing conceptions of public and private infrastructure; shifting models of civic engagement; and the predominance of market rationalities and discourses in re shaping the built environment.

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All that matters is that humans have a reason to occupy it. Lets take this shopping promenade in Santa Monica, California for example. Some people appear to be walking, while others are standing in groups. The space certainly seems large enough to handle the amount of foot traffic, but with enough trees, kiosks, and hanging fliers to prevent the space from seeming too open.

Now, look again at the people in the photo… how many shopping bags can you spot? I can only spot two bags, both from the same high-end clothing store. This is a shopping center, right? The reason why this commons is successful is because it fulfills other wants and needs besides shopping.

Some of these people are on their way to a restaurant, some of them are there to meet up with friends, some are going for an afternoon walk, some are people-watching, and some are just killing some time before they go to work — possibly at a business somewhere in the same promenade. We gravitate to places like these promenades because we enjoy the presence of other people; the visibility of being in public, complemented by the anonymity of being in the crowd.

Privately Owned Public Spaces are built and owned by private developers for public use. The primary difference is that a public space should, in most cases, be an attraction within itself; a defined area that provides a sense of inclusion, and that incorporates certain elements of architecture, visual art, and landscaping to create a sense of ambience. Whereas the primary purpose of the promenade is to provide a pleasant atmosphere for shoppers, the primary purpose of, say, Logan Square park in Philadelphia, is to attract people to stop and take in the sites.

One of the original plans for the city of Philadelphia, with trees used to designated which blocks were to be reserved as park space. Louis, Missouri. A mix of landscaping, architecture, sculpting, and a couple of businesses make it a successful commons, public space, and city park. Maybe going to the park means taking a hike up a mountain trail on the edge of town. If you live in an urban setting, it could be as simple as walking a few blocks to a neighborhood playground or greenspace.

Rittenhouse Square Park in Philadelphia. A great example of a widely-used city park. During apartheid the equal right of all citizens to access quality public spaces was denied to the majority of non-white South Africans. Spatial segregation enforced a limited, discriminatory access to the city centres and certain areas for the majority of citizens. In the planning and building of townships, quality public spaces were assigned a minimal role and were all but neglected. For many black South Africans during apartheid open spaces in townships, informal settlements and inner cities were often frightening places - dirty, garbage-strewn and unsafe.

Sadly, this is often still the case in many settlements. Loss of physical space in post-apartheid South Africa Today, the legacy of apartheid's spatial policies is still widely reflected in South Africa's cities. The so-called 'public space deficit' particularly affects peripheral lower income neighbourhoods and especially informal settlements.

In many cases, these are still segregated along racial lines, but also along class lines. South Africa, with its history of segregation, needs physical spaces for citizens and communities of different backgrounds to interact. But there has generally been a lack of provision for such spaces where individuals of different classes, races, cultures and traditions can mingle. Over the last twenty years of democracy, many parks and other public spaces have fallen into disarray or are simply not accounted for.

This is often both a result of and reason for a general perception that open public spaces are unsafe. Instead malls have increasingly become the physical spaces where people gather without interacting with each other. Interventions such as these show how interventions can help improve the perception of safety as well as unlock the social potential of public spaces.

There is a direct relation between safety and public space. Upgrading and increasing the quantity and quality of existing public open spaces can help improve urban safety. Quality open spaces have been proven to help reduce insecurity and interventions aimed at improving public spaces call for a new approach through community participation. There is a need for greater individual, community and civil society involvement in reclaiming public spaces that have fallen in disrepair, and converting disused areas into active spaces, such as local public parks.

Shared public spaces encourage citizens to participate and become drivers in ensuring the attainment of safety. Through public spaces, cities can promote more inclusive, convivial and safer places for their citizens, which as a consequence will reinforce social inclusion, community organisation and participation to prevent insecurity and violence.

Place-making The process of place-making is a key tool in creating quality public spaces. Such an open and inclusive process is effective in making people identify with the places they inhabit and involving them in building a shared vision of their communities.